Reducing U.S. National Debt: The History, Approaches, and Role of Public Opinion

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

February 10, 2012

           The issue of national debt in the United States is that it has become too pervasive and unsustainable. A large debt can have major ramifications, such as constraining long-term economic growth, constraining government spending and flexibility, increasing interest rates, etc. Another major problem is that there is major disagreement about how the debt should be reduced. There are a variety of different economic policies and options that this paper will outline that has been used throughout history to reduce the debt. This paper will argue that although the US has been in debt for the majority of its existence, the issue of debt reduction has only become most salient after the 2008 global financial crisis. The first part of the paper will explain the history of national debt and the different policy responses that have occurred. However, the second part looks at the period after Ronald Reagan’s administration to analyze how the issue did not become salient until 2008 election.

The Geopolitical Dimensions of Oil during the Cold War: How did the Soviet and American Experience Compare?

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

March 28, 2012

           Analyzing the events of the Cold War can be done through multiple lenses; however, the geopolitical dimensions have been recognized as a major factor influencing the United States (US) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The conflict became a struggle, in which each superpower tried to control resources as a tool to defeat the other. Although these resources have varied; oil was consistently perceived of importance, which made the Middle East and the struggle to control Middle Eastern oil a center of focus for the two superpowers. This essay will compare how the geopolitical dimensions of oil impacted the US and USSR differently. I will argue that each superpower had different motivations for oil, different approaches, and different responses to oil crises, which in the Soviet case was responsible for its eventual demise.

The United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO): Does this mark the end to the Observer Mission Model?

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

November 14, 2011

           When analyzing United Nations peacekeeping, a trend is evident where traditional peacekeeping missions are being more often replaced by missions that are more robust, complex, and multidimensional. The question that this essay will ask is whether or not the observer mission model is still an effective strategy, by examining the case study of the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO). There are those, such as Brian Urquhart, who would describe UNTSO as “pitifully inadequate;” however, this paper will argue that although UNTSO has had many shortcomings, UNTSO’s use of the observer method is an important and effective approach to peacekeeping and it has played a significant role in stabilizing the region.[i] UNTSO was the first established peacekeeping operation and is successful in many ways. It deals with the Arab-Israeli crisis as a regional issue by deploying in five states, it is funded from the United Nations(UN) regular budget as opposed to the peacekeeping budget, its mandate does not need to be renewed, and ultimately, “by virtue of their presence, observers alter what they are observing” and serve as a deterrence.[ii] This is not to say that major problems do not exist within the organization but rather this paper will provide recommendations of different policies and changes that UNTSO should implement if it is to continue to be a successful organization. Before UNTSO is assessed, it is important to recognize the evolution and history of the organization and how it has adapted to different political conditions to become what it is today.      

An Empirical Assessment of Realism in United Nations Peacekeeping

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

November 17, 2011

             United Nations Peacekeeping has been involved in Lebanon since 1978 when the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) was established to respond to the Israel-Lebanon war. There have been many different attempts to understand UN peacekeeping; in whether or not its importance lies in the way it promotes democracy; in the way it establishes set norms or practices; or in the way it masks state interests. Each of these views are represented by a theory; namely, Democratic Peace theory, Constructivism, and Realism. This paper will utilize empirical evidence to depict how Realism performs best in explaining United Nations peacekeeping in Lebanon. Democratic Peace theory will first be disproved with the example of the 2006 Israel-Lebanon war, which implies that although the UN works to promote democracy, this does not always lead to peace. Constructivism will then be disproved in the way that UN peacekeeping was ineffective in establishing set norms/identities, (resulting in divisions among contingents), and altering state behaviour, (resulting in continued violations). Realism is evident in UN peacekeeping because decision-making is dominated by major powers, while states focus on national interests. To commence, evidence against democratic peace will first be presented.

Proportional Representation: Can an Electoral System Undermine Democracy?

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

November 1, 2011

            In 1990, the French President Francois Mitterrand, announced that French aid would be “less enthusiastic to regimes which behave in an authoritarian fashion and fail to accept the move towards democracy.”[i] Incentives, such as these, often encourage states to democratize, but in many cases the transformation is illusory because electoral systems can be manipulated to serve specific interests. This essay will focus on the List Proportional Representation (List PR) electoral system and how it can be manipulated and used as a tool to undermine democracy. By using the case study of Morocco, it will be argued that List PR can be used to fragment the opposition, thereby providing certain groups with unfair advantage or non-contested dominance, while maintaining the guise of democracy. The case study will focus solely on the post-2002 electoral system in Morocco, when List PR was adopted. Firstly, the dynamics of the electoral system will be explained, and then secondly how List PR affects the political system by causing fragmentation, weakening political parties, and dividing the opposition.

The League of Nations Mandate System:The Masking of Colonial Policy in the Middle East

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

November 22, 2012

          After World War I, the Paris Peace Conference was held to resolve issues concerning the future of the international system. Article 119 of the Versailles treaty highlighted the issue of how to deal with “territories that were liberated from German and Ottoman colonial authority but considered to be not yet capable of self-government.”[1] The solution that was established was a Mandate System, which was described in Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. In the Middle East, Britain obtained the Palestinian and Mesopotamian Mandate; whereas, France obtained the Syrian Mandate. This essay will analyze the League of Nations Mandate System in the Middle East, and argue that it was ultimately a failure because it masked the hidden agendas of the Mandatory powers, suppressed minority and cultural rights, and created internal divisions.

Report of the High Panel on the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

October 7, 2012
The nature and origins of the Lebanese-Israeli Conflict, which ultimately led to the creation of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in 1978, are grounded in the more complex Arab Israeli conflict that has plagued the region in and around Israel for well over half a centure. Peace and security in Lebanon and the stabiliy of the region are mutually dependent; therefore, any hope for peace depends on the cessation of violence and unrest in the region as a whole. This report examines the histories and political context, the evolution of the mandate, and the successes and failures of hte UNIFIL mission in Southern Lebanon. After a review of the aspects of this peacekeeping mission, the Panel has outlined recommendations for the future of UNIFIL.

Insight into Al Qaeda: Human Agency and its Implications for Counter Terrorism

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

December 3, 2010

“Know your enemy and know yourself; in a hundred battles you will never be in peril”   ~Sun Tzu[1]

George Bush in his address to Congress on September 20, 2001 stated that al Qaeda’s attacks on 9/11 were motivated by the fact that “they hate our freedoms”[2]. However, by reading Lawrence Wright’s book, The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11, it is evident that the people involved and their motivations are much more complex than Bush expressed. Although it may be comforting to think that the motivations were based solely on resentment and jealousy, there are many possible motivations for the 9/11 attacks, such as sociological factors, economic factors, mental illness, ideological motivations and what Wright focuses on: human agency. Wright is successful in explaining how terrorism is largely motivated by human agency and how this has serious implications for developing an effective counter-terrorism strategy. This paper will focus on the diversity of terrorists, their grievances, their development, and the strategic function behind terrorism.

A Moroccan Case Study: Illusory Democracy and the Necessity of Political Reform

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi
April 11, 2011

             Morocco has long been praised internationally for being “politically moderate with the best potential in the Arab world for becoming truly democratic.”[1] The US ambassador to Morocco stated that it “is the best democratic experiment that currently is going on in the Middle East” and George Bush said that “the historic steps Morocco has taken toward political, economic, and social modernization demonstrate its strength and reinforce its standing in the community of nations.”[2] This country has undergone considerable changes in the last two decades, with major improvements in the economy as well as in minority and women’s rights. The decline in poverty has been especially significant with Morocco decreasing from having 30.4 percent of people living on less than two dollars a day in 1990, to 8 percent in 2008.[3] However, it is premature to celebrate these achievements because despite these praises, Morocco’s political system is underdeveloped and reform is seriously lacking. This paper will argue that the process of democratization in Morocco has faced many shortcomings due to the fact that political reforms have largely been illusory and neglected. The essay will be devised in three parts to show the process of democratization that Morocco has undertaken. The first part will explain the positive reforms that have been enacted; the second part will focus on the inadequacies of these reforms; and the third part will explore guidelines for what is needed for future political reforms.

Pakistan’s Nuclear Policy: Is Domestic Instability to Blame?

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi
December 2, 2010
According to Samina Ahmed ‘the internal contradictions in Pakistan’s power structure…continue to be primarily responsible for its nuclear choices.’ Does the history of Pakistan’s nuclear programme attest to Ahmed’s conclusion?

Pakistan’s nuclear policy has long been dictated by the view to which Zulfikar Ali Bhutto expresses that “even if Pakistanis have to eat grass, we will make the bomb” (Ahmed 183). The reasons and motivations behind the fact that Pakistanis seem willing to do whatever it takes to acquire nuclear weapons is important to analyze. Samina Ahmed believes that the conflict within Pakistan’s power structure is primarily responsible for their nuclear policy; however this paper will argue differently. History dispels Ahmed’s conclusion because ‘internal contradictions’ were not primarily responsible for determining nuclear policy because the military was almost always dominant over nuclear choices, but rather other factors were more prevalent, namely regional insecurity, international inaction, economic factors, and public opinion.

The Kashmir Dispute: Why A Resolution is Closer than Ever

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi
December 2, 2010
Given the acrimonious history of the issue, is negotiated settlement of the Kashmir dispute possible?

Since the independence and separation of India and Pakistan, disputes over border issues have remained a contentious issue and continue to create instability in South Asia. The cause of the most concern is the dispute over Kashmir, which has been responsible for two wars and the location of rising insurgent groups. Due to the fact that both India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons further amplifies anxiety over the matter.  Some argue that there are too many actors with different interests and a history of bloodshed in the region, which will ensure that a resolution is never achieved. Although these are legitimate concerns, the issues should be seen merely as challenges, which can be overcome with rational solutions. This paper will argue that a negotiated settlement is possible because of India and Pakistan’s mutual interests in resolving the issue, their potential willingness to allow a greater U.S. role, and if certain steps are taken into account.

The Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal: Creating Domestic, Regional, and Global Levels of Insecurity

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

November 16, 2010 

Nuclear power is a major tool of contention in foreign affairs because it has the potential of being an inexpensive and environmentally-friendly option, yet it also has the potential of being used as a weapon of mass destruction. This debate is evident when deliberating on the 2008 Indo-U.S. nuclear cooperation agreement. This is an agreement in which India is allowed to be supplied with nuclear fuel, reactors, and technology even though it is not a signatory of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This deal has had numerous benefits; however, this paper will argue that threats to security, diplomacy, and non-proliferation have emerged. The Indo-US nuclear cooperation agreement has had an adverse effect on domestic, regional, and global security.

The Deliberation on Canadian Economic Relations to Israel

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi 

November 8, 2010

              This document presented by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) is a deliberation on Canadian-Israeli economic relations and how best to deal with the Palestine-Israel conflict.  Canada’s involvement in the conflict is important to analyze because “one way to lessen Israeli-Palestinian tensions would be to stop increasing them,” which happens when diplomatic, military, and economic support is offered unconditionally to Israel[1]. The fact that Israel is a small and trade-dependent country makes it important to analyze whether or not we need to diminish our economic ties to Israel. Two policy options will be presented to deal with this issue. One policy is to continue trade with Israel without restrictions, while the other policy is to implement economic sanctions on the country. This paper proposes that Canada should choose to implement economic sanctions because it is a method of protesting international human rights violations, it reduces domestic threats, it allows pressure to be put on the peace talks, and it resolves issues over certain trade agreements.

Review of Fareed Zakaria's "The Post-American World"

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

March 29, 2011

            Reading through Fareed Zakaria’s book, The Post-American World, has been an interesting view of the future of the United States. The first thing that stood out was the time that the book was written. It was written before the financial crisis, although economic issues were starting to emerge. Soon afterwards his predictions were understood to be somewhat premature because America took a harder fall than most anticipated. The US at this time was facing issues, such as the high cost of war, fear of Islam, and fear of the “other”. Zakaria tries to diminish these fears by saying that war is decreasing, Islamism is not a major threat, and the “rise of the rest” is not anything to worry about. For this reason it is obvious that the book is being tailored to an American audience in order to calm them down and explain that focusing on these issues will just lead to the disregard of larger problems that arise from success.

Arab Nationalism: Eisenhower's Policies and Failures of Containment

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

March 8, 2011

            When analyzing the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower, authors such as Melvin P. Leffler, often underestimate the importance of the Middle East to American foreign policy. In reality, Eisenhower focused largely on this region, saying that “no region in the world received as much of my close attention and that of my colleagues as did the Middle East.”[1] The focus on the Middle East became even more pronounced due to the emergence of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Arab nationalist movement. Arab nationalism was thought to be an extension of Soviet influence; therefore, Eisenhower found it crucial to contain this movement, which he unsuccessfully tried to do with the Baghdad pact, the OMEGA memorandum, and most especially with the Eisenhower Doctrine of 1957. The doctrine was based on offering aid from U.S. military forces as a way to “secure and protect the territorial integrity and political independence of such nations, requesting such aid, against...international communism.”[2] Eisenhower targeted Arab nationalism by trying to isolate Nasser in the Arab world, by supporting his conservative rivals who could compete for pan-Arab leadership, and by offering US military intervention. This paper will explain that during the Eisenhower presidency, American foreign policy based on the Eisenhower Doctrine was unsuccessful in trying to weaken Nasser’s Arab nationalism.

The Modern Post-Colonial Arab State: Arab Nationalist or Authoritarian?

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

April 20, 2011

            The 2011 mass uprisings have revolutionized the Arab world and have evoked immense debate regarding the origins. The al-Jazeera chief, Wadah Khanfar, says that the reason lies in the fact that “the modern post-colonial Arab state has failed miserably.”[1] Some understand this to mean that Arab nationalism has failed because these present regimes are sometimes associated with Arab nationalist regimes like that of Gamal Abdel Nasser. However, this paper will contest that interpretation by saying that Khanfar was not referring to Arab nationalist states but rather these modern post-colonial Arab states are authoritarian but not Arab nationalist. Arab nationalism failed in the 1960s and 70s and cannot be attributed to the present uprisings. Ultimately this paper will argue that both Arab Nationalism and authoritarianism have failed; however, it is only the failure of authoritarianism that has caused the current “Arab spring.” In order to explain this argument, the essay will be structured in three parts. The first will outline how Arab nationalism has failed; the second will explain how the modern Arab states are authoritarian and not Arab nationalist; and the third will discuss the failure of authoritarianism.

Mustafa Kemal: The Process of Building a Nation Without Religion

Imane Drissi El-Bouzaidi

February 14, 2011

What challenges did Middle Eastern “nation builders” such as Ataturk, Sa’d Zaghlul, Arab Nationalists or the Zionists face in the early twentieth century?

            The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire led to the rise of nationalist movements around the Middle East and the emergence of leaders committed to building independent nation-states. Although there were many nation-builders that were historically influential, this paper will focus on Mustafa Kemal Pasha and his role in building the Turkish state. Mustafa Kemal, later known as Ataturk (“father of the Turks”), is recognized as the founder of Turkey and its first president. After World War I, the Grand National Assembly was formed, the Sultanate was separated from the Caliphate and both were later abolished. As Ataturk began creating the Turkish state he initiated radical reforms based on secularism and faced many challenges as a result. When founding Turkish independence in the early twentieth century, Kemal Ataturk perceived religion to be the most difficult challenge to his rule and dealing with this threat led him to create changes that are still prominent in the modern Middle East.